henry
On Saturday, October 4th, we convened a business gathering of particular significance, graced by the presence of Mr. James Onalaja, a barrister accredited to practice before the International Criminal Court (ICC). At first glance, one might question the relevance of the ICC to the BNO equal rights movement, yet these seemingly distinct arenas are intimately intertwined. The pursuit of equal rights is enmeshed in a multifaceted web of social relations, crossing boundaries of law, politics, and human rights. Our invitation to Mr. Onalaja was predicated on a desire for insights into the unique adversities confronting Hong Kong residents, approached through an expansive, international lens. To comprehend this association, a foundational understanding of both the ICC and the precepts of International Criminal Law that underpin it is indispensable.
The ICC—whose very name evokes the ideals of justice—stands as a permanent international tribunal established by the Rome Statute, tasked with adjudicating the gravest crimes afflicting the global community: genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and acts of aggression. Functioning in coordination with the United Nations, the ICC ostensibly embodies a beacon of justice worldwide. However, the practical realities are markedly less utopian. The Court’s jurisdiction is circumscribed by three principal tenets: personal jurisdiction, territorial jurisdiction, and mandate via United Nations Security Council authorization. Actualizing these principles is fraught with formidable challenges.
Beyond persistent political opposition, the ICC has been perennially hampered by acute financial constraints. Its primary funding derives from contributions of member states, yet chronic underfunding—arising from either deferrals or reductions in pledged support—regularly impairs its operational effectiveness in investigation and adjudication. Resource scarcity, in turn, exacerbates the Court’s dilemmas in case selection, mandating meticulous balancing of political interests and available resources, thereby further undermining claims to impartiality.
This year, on February 6th, the Trump administration imposed sanctions on the ICC, emblematic of profound doubts harbored by the international community regarding the institution. The United States government criticized the ICC for what it deemed improper and unfounded actions initiated against both the US and its ally, Israel. The ICC, purportedly lacking legitimate jurisdiction, instigated preliminary investigations and issued disputed arrest warrants, including those for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. The Trump administration emphasized that, as neither the United States nor Israel has ratified the Rome Statute or acceded to ICC membership, the Court’s reach over these nations is null. Both countries categorically reject the ICC’s jurisdiction, holding steadfast to the notion that their mature democratic governance and adherence to the law of war negate the Court’s authority. Further, the US administration contends that ICC actions jeopardize national sovereignty and erode the foreign policy and security frameworks of the US and its allies. In 2002, anticipating such conflicts, the United States Congress enacted the American Servicemembers’ Protection Act to insulate US military personnel and officials from ICC prosecutions.
International Criminal Law, thus, emerges less as a purely legal construct and more as a political instrument, shaped by international relations, national interests, and geopolitical considerations. Adversely affected by limited resources, the ICC is constrained to making difficult, often politically laden, choices regarding its caseload. The refusal of some states to recognize the Court’s sovereignty—perceiving it as an encroachment upon their own—complicates its functioning further. These systemic impediments, together with a restricted membership base, fragile enforcement mechanisms, and ongoing political interference, call into question the ICC’s capacity to realize global justice. The institution, for all its ideals, is frequently mired in compromises and practical limitations.
Why, then, did we seek dialogue with Mr. Onalaja on the BNO rights issue? The answer lies in the human rights foundation upon which International Criminal Law rests. Our intent was to foster a robust understanding of our community’s predicaments—viewed through the prism of human rights abuses. In recent times, online critiques have surfaced, some lampooning my putative lack of legal expertise. I feel compelled to clarify: over the past two months, my team and I have engaged in relentless research, delving into hundreds of archival documents, undertaking field visits, and dialoguing with diverse experts to reconstruct historical truths. Do these detractors enjoy access to premier academic resources? Are they prepared to invest significant time in excavating overlooked histories? Have they truly grappled with the intricate legal-political nexus? For those questioning our allocation of time, I ask: even with abundant leisure, would you devote it to uncovering the true historical record, analyzing vast repositories within British and American academic databases?
Chinese version： 法律、政治與人權交織的複雜棋局
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Henry Wong qualified as a solicitor in Hong Kong, England and Wales, Ireland and Scotland respective in 2014, 2018, 2024 and 2025. Henry is fluent in Cantonese, Mandarin, English, and Japanese, and he specialises in a broad range of legal matters, including family law (possessing significant experience in divorce, assets division, and child arrangements), criminal litigation, civil litigation, and international law, with a focus on human rights and criminal law. He additionally manages various immigration-related matters, encompassing refugee applications, settlement and naturalisation applications, work visa applications, and actively conducts BNO settlement and naturalisation seminars in the UK to provide professional information to communities in need.
Henry Wong is dedicated to public welfare and community affairs. He is currently the founder of Hong Kong Professionals CIC (hkpcic.org.uk) and Descendants of Victoria City (dovc.co.uk), where he actively participates in community building and consistently advocates for various human rights issues.
At present, Henry serves as a consultant solicitor for David Fenn & Co. in Hong Kong and Perilli & Ho Solicitors in London. He is also a legal link partner with Jones Whyte Solicitors in Scotland. His practice area is extensive, encompassing the sale and purchase of residential and commercial properties in both Hong Kong and the United Kingdom, immigration matters, various civil and criminal litigation cases, commercial and contractual matters, family disputes, wills and estate administration, as well as human rights law.
Outside of his professional commitments, Henry Wong enjoys sports and is a goalkeeper for an amateur football team. He also possesses a passion for wine, possesses a deep understanding of various types of alcoholic beverages, and is skilled in making cocktail.
黃律師於2014年成為香港執業律師，2018年取得英格蘭及威爾斯執業律師資格，2024年取得愛爾蘭註冊律師資格，並於2025年獲得蘇格蘭律師資格。黃律師精通廣東話、普通話、英語及日語，擅長處理多項法律事務，包括家事法（尤其於離婚、財產分配及子女撫養權安排方面經驗豐富）、刑事訴訟、民事訴訟，以及國際法（專注於人權及刑事領域）。此外，黃律師亦處理各類移民相關事宜，包括難民申請、定居及入籍申請、工作簽證申請等，並積極於英國舉辦BNO定居及入籍講座，為有需要的社群提供專業資訊。
黃律師熱心公益及地區事務，現為 Hong Kong Professionals CIC (hkpcic.org.uk) 及 Descendants of Victoria City (dovc.co.uk) 的創辦人，積極參與社區建設，並對不同人權議題持續發聲。
目前，黃律師擔任香港 David Fenn and Co. 律師行及英國 Perilli & Ho Solicitors 律師行的顧問律師，同時也是蘇格蘭 Jones Whyte Solicitors 的合作夥伴。其執業範圍廣泛，涵蓋香港及英國住宅及商業物業買賣、移民入境事務、各類民事及刑事訴訟、商業及合約事宜、家庭糾紛、遺囑及遺產處理，以及人權法等。
工作之餘，黃律師熱愛運動，擔任業餘足球隊的守門員。同時，他也對品酒情有獨鍾，對各類酒品均有深入研究，更擅長調製各式雞尾酒。
